Kosov@/Nato 18. Mai 1999

*** Demand for Montenegrin President's Resignation

**Milosevic's All or Nothing

AIM Podgorica, 18 May, 1999

It is evident that the campaign against Montenegrin president in Serbian media has particularly intensified after his declaration that survival of Yugoslav federation was impossible - if Milosevic after all remains in power

European tour of Montenegrin president Milo Djukanovic was the immediate cause for the oppositionist Socialist National Party (SNP) to demand acquittal of the president of the Republic. Bulatovic's party decided to take this radical step allegedly because the president of Montenegro had violated the Constitution. In the explanation given by the SNP forwarded to the parliament it was stated that Djukanovic, without approval of the Supreme Defence Council, had visited Germany and France, aggressor countries, with which Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had broken off diplomatic relations.

This firm demand of Bulatovic's supporters came after Djukanovic's meeting with Gerhard Schroeder in Bonn. Schroeder promised Montenegro economic support of the European Union and additional aid of Germany. And what might be even more important in the long run: Montenegro was promised the seat of an observer at the Balkan conference. FRY nor anybody from the ranks of Milosevic's regime has been invited to this important gathering where future of Balkan will be discussed. And even if it were, Belgrade would practically have nobody to send there - entrance into countries of the European Union has been banned for almost all Yugoslav and Serbian government officials.

The journey to Bonn was the first diplomatic mission of Montenegrin president since the beginning of NATO strikes and an introduction into his diplomatic campaign. Disregarding the initiative of Bulatovic's supporters, after Bonn, Djukanovic set out to Vienna and Paris. His visit to Brussels is planned to take place in the beginning of this week. The initiative for his removal from the post of the president of Montenegro, Djukanovic calmly commented by saying: "We have failed expectations of the one who hoped that Montenegro would not think politically but that it would blindly follow him in his irrationality". Montenegro will continue to search for solutions which can lead to establishment of peace in this space".

The demand for dismissal of Milo Djukanovic came at the moment when things do not look good for Milosevic's supporters in Montenegro. After unsuccessful protests held in cities with a not very big number of protesters, and pressure exerted by the army on civilian institutions and independent media, forcible call-up and closing down of the port of Bar, it was obvious that Djukanovic was winning increasing support of the citizens. Milosevic's forces did not succeed in mobilising a large number of supporters for several reasons. The most important is certainly that devastation of Serbia is nowadays visible from Montenegro more than ever.

It is also evident that Serbia is not destroyed only by strikes of NATO forces, but primarily by the policy of its uncompromising leadership. That is why many of those who in former Balkan wars unbendingly supported the Serbian leader in Montenegro, do not want to be drawn into the war with the most powerful forces of the West. It is clear that victory of the policy of Slobodan Milosevic in Montenegro, could turn this Republic, too, which was so far spared great demolitions, into a scorched wasteland.

The initiative of SNP has already been introduced into assembly procedure. However, Djukanovic's dismissal in the parliament is supported only by SNP, which means by only 29 deputies. For the parliament decision which would demand the opinion of the constitutional court of Montenegro, it is necessary to ensure the votes of 39 deputies. And all the other parties are opposed to the move of Bulatovic's Socialists. Even the great Djukanovic's opponent - the Liberal League of Slavko Perovic - considers the initiative for the president's dismissal to be a possible "inital shot that may trigger the civil war in Montenegro". That is why the Liberals, in order to prevent increase of tensions, demanded that the president's recall be discussed behind closed doors in the parliament.

Members of the ruling coalition sharply attacked the proposal of SNP. Bulatovic's Socialists are reproached for stimulating the conflict and stirring up passions. It is stressed that the proposal is not founded and it is stated that with his diplomatic mission Djukanovic is trying to contribute to peace, not only in Montenegro, but in the whole region. SNP is also reproached for having double standards - it is a mortal sin when the president of Montenegro meets Chirac or Schroeder, but when Milosevic asks for a meeting with Clinton Bulatovic's supporters approve of it.

Explanation of SNP that before the journey Djukanovic should have asked for approval of the Supreme Defence Council was also commented with cynism. It is stressed that sessions of this Council, although the country is at war, have not been held for months and that nobody has asked Montenegro whether it wanted to get involved in the conflict with NATO together with Milosevic. This decision was reached by the Serbian leader without Montenegrin consent, say representatives of the domestic ruling coalition. And Ranko Krivokapic, one of the leaders of the Socialist Democratic Party (SDP), who form the coalition government, comments on the initiative for Djukanovic's dismissal as follows: "Unfortunately, there are those who are afraid of the good in Montenegro, because for years they ruled on the basis of evil in Serbia and Montenegro".

However, these stands have just added oil to the fire. Supporters of the so-called patriotic front extended the accusation against the Montenegrin president. Parties and phantom homeland associations around Serbia and Montenegro also did their best to extend the indictment of the SNP. Apart from the recall, veterans of the Second World War in Belgrade demand raising criminal charges against Milo Djukanovic, because he is "collaborationist and fifth columnist" and he must pay for it. In its central news program, Radio-Television Serbia accuses Montenegrin president for collaboration with the enemy, after his meeting with Chirac. Apart from Djukanovic, on the same "black list" are Vesna Pesic, Zoran Djindjic, Vuk Obradovic and the editorial staff of independent weekly Monitor. Unselfish assistance to RTS in the job of recognizing domestic enemies is offered by Belgrade daily Politika. The pro-Bulatovic newspaper Dan from Podgorica is also devoting its front pages to Djukanovic's "high treason".

It is evident that the campaign against Montenegrin president in Serbian media is especially intensified after his declaration that survival of the Yugoslav federation was impossible - if Milosevic after all remains in power. Since it is becoming clear that Milosevic political end is not so near, it is to be assumed that in diplomatic meetings behind closed doors Milo Djukanovic is, apart from economic assistance, trying to ensure a new position for Montenegro - redefining of its state and legal status. Because with Serbia the way it is at present, the destiny of Montenegro is extremely uncertain. That is the reason why Djukanovic's journeys to Bonn, Vienna and Paris are additionally dangerous for Milosevic who might somehow survive loss of Kosovo. Loss of Montenegro would, however, be the end of every illusion about the big Serb state on which the Serbian leader established his political charisma. Therefore, a new offensive of Milosevic should be expected against Montenegro, because the president of FRY has less and time to wait.

Milka TADIC

(AIM)


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